10月15日,在中共一个关键的党代表会议的开幕式上,中国国家主席胡锦涛呼吁加强关注社会保护,以确保中国迅猛的经济增长惠及该国13亿人中更广泛的部分。
胡锦涛还承诺加强他所谓的“社会主义民主”以伴随中国的经济进步。关于社会主义民主,他的解释是中国人应当更多地参政,但不能影响党指挥全局的核心领导作用。
胡锦涛在讲话中表明他的下一个五年任期可能类似于他的第一个五年任期,谨慎地谋求经济改革,但决意维护党的权力垄断。
他重申台湾是中国的一部分,必须在某个时刻回归北京的统治。但他回避使用可被视为军事行动威胁的言辞,反而提出谈判正式结束双方的敌对状态,前提是台湾领导人接受只有一个中国的说法。
胡锦涛两个半小时的演讲主要强调他的“科学发展观”,他认为这是中国经济和社会发展的重要指导方针,是追求“有中国特色的社会主义”中必须支持和应用的重要战略思想。
该党在14日宣布胡锦涛的创新将作为对马克思主义的历史性贡献,在为期一周的十七大期间被写入党章。此举肯定了该党对胡锦涛强调以社会关切(如环保和保证穷人有机会接受教育和卫生保健)调和急速的经济发展的认可。同样重要的是,它把胡锦涛迎入塑造马克思学说的共产主义历史人物的伟人祠。它可能加强胡锦涛进入第二个五年任期的权威。(作者 Edward Cody)
Hu Outlines Goals for China as Party Congress Convenes
By Edward Cody
Washington Post Foreign Service
Monday, October 15, 2007; Page A10
BEIJING, Oct. 15 -- Opening a crucial Communist Party congress, President Hu Jintao called Monday for increased emphasis on social protections to make sure China's speedy economic growth benefits a wider swath of the country's 1.3 billion people.
Hu, in a report to more than 2,200 party delegates gathered in Beijing, also pledged to accompany China's economic progress with an increase in what he called "socialist democracy." That, he explained, means Chinese should participate more in their government but without affecting "the party's role as the core of leadership in directing the overall situation."
With his remarks, couched in party jargon and read carefully from a text, Hu signaled that his next five years as China's party leader and president are likely to resemble his first five years, with cautious pursuit of economic reforms but determination to retain the Communist Party's monopoly on power.
Hu reiterated China's insistence that Taiwan is part of China and must at some point return to rule by Beijing. But he avoided rhetoric that could be viewed as a threat of military action, offering instead to discuss "a formal end to the state of hostility between the two" on condition that Taiwan's leaders accept the idea that there is only one China.
Under Taiwan's current president, the independence-minded Chen Shui-bian, Hu's appeal seemed unlikely to win a favorable response, particularly with the one-China condition. Instead, it appeared aimed at the more flexible Nationalist Party, which Chinese officials are hoping will come to power in Taipei in elections scheduled next March.
Hu, dressed in his trademark blue suit and television-friendly red tie, used his two-and-one-half-hour speech mainly to underline his doctrine of "scientific development," which he described as "an important guiding principle for China's economic and social development and a major strategic thought that we must uphold and apply" to pursue "socialism with Chinese characteristics."
The party announced Sunday that Hu's innovation will be enshrined in the party charter during the week-long 17th National Congress as a historical contribution to Marxist ideology. The move constitutes an endorsement by the party faithful of Hu's emphasis on tempering breakneck economic development with such social concerns as protecting the environment and guaranteeing that the poor have access to education and health care.
Just as important, it ushers Hu into a pantheon of historical Communist figures who have shaped Marxist doctrine. In the eyes of the Chinese party, Hu, 64, will be joining a line of ideological greats that began with Marx and Lenin and has continued over more than a century with Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin.
"The Politburo formulated the guiding principles for the current amendment to the constitution, stressing that the amendment must follow the guidance of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory and the important thought of [Jiang's] Three Represents, [as well as] embody the Scientific Development Outlook," Li Dongsheng, the congress spokesman, said at a news conference.
The honor was decided by the outgoing Politburo and adopted by the Central Committee, which met last week to prepare for the congress. Expressed in such language, it may seem hard to understand and even eccentric outside China. But it is likely to enhance Hu's authority as he enters a second five-year term as secretary general of the Communist Party and president of China.
The National Congress is scheduled to hail Hu's stewardship for another five years and acclaim his choices for a second tier of leaders destined to take over in 2012.
The ritual will effectively cement Hu's grip on the levers of power, making a greater number of second-level officials beholden to him and boosting his authority. In his first term, Hu was forced to work with powerful holdovers from Jiang's era, some with residual loyalty to Jiang and his associates in what was called the "Shanghai faction."
Although some figures associated with Jiang are likely to remain -- underlining Hu's reputation as a conciliator -- the all-powerful Politburo and its Standing Committee are likely to emerge with a majority loyal to Hu, smoothing the way for getting his decisions through the bureaucracy.
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